The signalling of German rising-falling intonation categories--the interplay of synchronization, shape, and height

Publikation: Bidrag til tidsskriftTidsskriftartikelForskningpeer review

Resumé

Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite opposition of German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. These intonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in the AM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F(0) peak patterns differentiated by their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experiments were carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peak categories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shape and height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the current phonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categories in German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peak movements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptual differentiation.

OriginalsprogEngelsk
TidsskriftPhonetica: International Journal of Phonetic Science
Vol/bind64
Udgave nummer2-3
Sider (fra-til)174-193
ISSN0031-8388
DOI
StatusUdgivet - 2007
Udgivet eksterntJa

Fingeraftryk

falling
synchronism
vowels
phonology
opposition
experiment
Synchronization
Intonation
time measurement
Kiel

Citer dette

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abstract = "Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite opposition of German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. These intonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in the AM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F(0) peak patterns differentiated by their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experiments were carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peak categories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shape and height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the current phonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categories in German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peak movements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptual differentiation.",
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author = "Oliver Niebuhr",
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The signalling of German rising-falling intonation categories--the interplay of synchronization, shape, and height. / Niebuhr, Oliver.

I: Phonetica: International Journal of Phonetic Science, Bind 64, Nr. 2-3, 2007, s. 174-193.

Publikation: Bidrag til tidsskriftTidsskriftartikelForskningpeer review

TY - JOUR

T1 - The signalling of German rising-falling intonation categories--the interplay of synchronization, shape, and height

AU - Niebuhr, Oliver

PY - 2007

Y1 - 2007

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AB - Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite opposition of German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. These intonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in the AM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F(0) peak patterns differentiated by their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experiments were carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peak categories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shape and height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the current phonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categories in German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peak movements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptual differentiation.

KW - Adult

KW - Humans

KW - Language

KW - Phonetics

KW - Speech

KW - Speech Production Measurement

KW - Verbal Behavior

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JO - Phonetica: International Journal of Phonetic Science

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