Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite opposition of German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. These intonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in the AM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F(0) peak patterns differentiated by their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experiments were carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peak categories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shape and height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the current phonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categories in German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peak movements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptual differentiation.
|Tidsskrift||Phonetica: International Journal of Phonetic Science|
|Status||Udgivet - 2007|